考研英语 AI

2015 英一 T1

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King Juan Carlos of Spain once insisted "kings don't abdicate, they die in their sleep." But embarrassing scandals and the popularity of the republican left in the recent Euro-elections have forced him to eat his words and stand down. So, does the Spanish crisis suggest that monarchy is seeing its last days? Does that mean the writing is on the wall for all European royals, with their magnificent uniforms and majestic lifestyles?

西班牙国王胡安·卡洛斯曾坚称:“国王不会退位,他们只在睡梦中晏驾。” 但是,近期欧洲选举中爆出的尴尬丑闻和共和左派党的高支持率,已迫使他食言,并最终退位。 那么,西班牙的这场危机是否意味着君主制正日薄西山? 这是否意味着,对所有那些身着华丽制服、过着奢靡生活的欧洲王室成员来说,他们的末日也已不远?

The Spanish case provides arguments both for and against monarchy. When public opinion is particularly polarised, as it was following the end of the Franco regime, monarchs can rise above “mere” politics and “embody” a spirit of national unity.

西班牙的案例为支持和反对君主制都提供了论据。 当公众舆论特别两极分化时——正如在佛朗哥政权结束后的那段时期一样——君主就能够超越“纯粹的”政治,从而“体现”一种国家统一的精神。

It is this apparent transcendence of politics that explains monarchs’ continuing popularity as heads of state. And so, the Middle East excepted, Europe is the most monarch-infested region in the world, with 10 kingdoms (not counting Vatican City and Andorra). But unlike their absolutist counterparts in the Gulf and Asia, most royal families have survived because they allow voters to avoid the difficult search for a non-controversial but respected public figure.

正是这种对政治的明显超越性,解释了为何君主们作为国家元首能持续受到拥戴。 因此,除了中东以外,欧洲是世界上君主制最为“泛滥”的地区,拥有整整10个王国(这还未将梵蒂冈和安道尔计算在内)。 但是,与海湾地区和亚洲的那些专制主义的君主不同,欧洲的大多数王室得以存续下来,这是因为他们的存在让选民们无需费力地去寻找一位既无争议又受人尊敬的公众人物。

Even so, kings and queens undoubtedly have a downside. Symbolic of national unity as they claim to be, their very history – and sometimes the way they behave today – embodies outdated and indefensible privileges and inequalities. At a time when Thomas Piketty and other economists are warning of rising inequality and the increasing power of inherited wealth, it is bizarre that wealthy aristocratic families should still be the symbolic heart of modern democratic states.

即便如此,君王们无疑也有其弊端。 尽管他们声称自己是国家统一的象征,但恰恰是他们自身的历史——以及有时他们今日的所作所为——却代表着那些过时的、站不住脚的特权与不平等。 在托马斯·皮凯蒂和其他经济学家正不断警告贫富差距加剧和世袭财富权力日益强大的今天,富有的贵族家庭竟仍然位居现代民主国家的象征性核心,这简直荒谬至极。

The most successful monarchies strive to abandon or hide their old aristocratic ways. Princes and princesses have day-jobs and ride bicycles, not horses (or helicopters). Even so, these are wealthy families who party with the international 1%, and media intrusiveness makes it increasingly difficult to maintain the right image.

最成功的那些君主制国家都在努力摒弃或掩饰其旧的贵族做派。 王子和公主们都有自己的日常工作,而且他们骑的是自行车,而不是骑马(或乘坐直升机)。 尽管如此,这些家族毕竟是常与全球最顶层的1%富豪交往的权贵,而媒体的无孔不入也使得他们越来越难以维持恰如其分的公众形象。

While Europe’s monarchies will no doubt be smart enough to survive for some time to come, it is the British royals who have most to fear from the Spanish example.

尽管欧洲的各君主国无疑都十分精明,在未来一段时间内仍能存续下去,但西班牙的例子表明,最应感到担忧的,恰恰是英国王室。

It is only the Queen who has preserved the monarchy’s reputation with her rather ordinary (if well-heeled) granny style. The danger will come with Charles, who has both an expensive taste of lifestyle and a pretty hierarchical view of the world. He has failed to understand that monarchies have largely survived because they provide a service – as non-controversial and non-political heads of state. Charles ought to know that as English history shows, it is kings, not republicans, who are the monarchy’s worst enemies.

只有女王凭借着她那相当普通的(虽说很富有的)老奶奶风格,维系着君主制的声誉。 而危机将随着查尔斯而来,他不仅生活品味奢华,而且世界观也相当等级分明。 他未能理解,君主制之所以能存续至今,很大程度上是因为它们提供了一项服务——即扮演无争议且超脱政治的国家元首。 查尔斯应该明白,正如英国历史所表明的,君主制最危险的敌人恰恰是国王自己,而非共和主义者。